Deep-six: In an exclusive tell-all with Haris
Hussain, the architect of the
Scorpene submarine purchase, Jasbir Singh Chahl,
speaks for the
first time about the controversial deal. Here, he
torpedoes Suaram‘s
allegation of massive kickbacks and blows the
Altantuya ‘connection’
right out of the water
Torpedoing the myth
IN 1984, an insurance agent from Baltimore, Maryland,
published the fictitious story of a Russian submarine commander who tried to defect
to the United States in his state-of-the-art Typhoon-class nuclear submarine. The
Hunt for Red October drew inspiration from a real-life
account of the 1975 mutiny aboard the Russian destroyer Storozhevoy and became Tom Clancy’s first
international bestseller with its tale of intrigue, skullduggery and deception.
Then US president Ronald Reagan called it “a great yarn”.
Closer to home, the
Scorpene saga has taken many twists and turns. In 2010, Malaysian human rights
non-governmental organization Suaram lodged a complaint in the French courts,
claiming that French naval firm DCNS had paid RM452 million as a bribe to
Malaysian officials to obtain the contract.
The allegations of massive
kickbacks and payoffs in the RM4.2 billion deal for the two Perdana Menteri-class dieselpowered fast-attack
boats have been topped only by the lurid accusations that Mongolian model
Altantuya Shaariibuu was murdered because she allegedly knew too much and
wanted a ‘mere’ US$500,000 cut from the deal.
Over the years, a fascinating
conspiracy theory had been woven around this episode and gained traction,
linking the submarine deal with Altantuya’s murder. Hardly surprising since it
had all the ingredients of a Hollywood techno-thriller — stories of alleged
corruption, deceit, greed, sex and murder. In April, reports in the Spanish and
French mainstream media questioned Suaram’s almost fanatical obsession with the
case, with one even suggesting that the French legal system was being taken for
a ride to serve a greater political end.
Last Friday, Suaram held a fundraising
dinner in Petaling Jaya to raise money for its activities, in which fresh
allegations were made into the case. After months of trying, the New Straits Times secured an exclusive interview with
the central figure in the deal. It certainly wasn’t a cakewalk — this man
guards his privacy jealously and with a passion.
As the architect of the
Scorpene submarine deal, the last seven years have taken their toll on Jasbir
Singh Chahl. Before this meeting, Chahl had steadfastly refused to make
statements regarding this case, worried that he might be accused of perverting
the course of justice. Throughout, he had been in constant communication with the
French authorities and investigators and has voluminous evidence to back his
claim, despite assertions by the opposition to the contrary.
As he places the
teacup on the fine china saucer in his home in the heart of Kuala Lumpur with a
finesse that betrays his English education and upbringing, Chahl pauses for a
moment and draws a deep breath. “I am willing to swear on my holy book, the Guru
Granth Sahib, that I did not know this person, that she was never part of the
team, had never met her, that she was never in France during the entire time we
were there trying to close the deal and only knew about her when I read the
papers in 2006 that they had found her body.”
One of the myths that has been
“accepted” as gospel was that Altantuya had acted as a translator for Abdul
Razak Baginda, who had helped Chahl broker the deal. Negotiations began in 2000
and were concluded in 2002. If Altantuya was indeed Razak Baginda’s interpreter, she should have been
present at all the meetings from 2000. And yet, in official French documents
that were made available to the NST, the French police have stated
categorically that Altantuya never entered France from 1999 to 2006, the year
she died. Incidentally, all these meetings were held in France with some in Malaysia.
And they were all in English. “This is not what I am saying, you understand. This
is what the French authorities, the French police and the French judicial
inquiry are saying.” According to Razak’s Baginda’s evidence in court, he only
met Altantuya in late 2004. The Scorpene deal was concluded in 2002. Another
fissure in the opposition’s argument seems to hinge on its so-called
‘understanding’ of Gallic pride and centres around the way DCNS conducts its
business around the globe.
It assumes that just because DCNS is French, the
negotiations would have to be in French when the fact is that the French
defence industry does deals all over the world in English. Add to that, the
French team was initially led by an Englishman, Martin Hill, who was himself,
also fluent in French.
So, if indeed the team needed an interpreter, it didn’t
have to look very far, and certainly not in Mongolia, of all places. In his
deposition to the French authorities in 2010, former DCNS marketing manager for
Malaysia and Singapore at the time, Fredric Faura, told investigators that
there was no need for an interpreter since negotiations were in English and
Malaysians were fluent in the language.
“You ask me why the blogs have gone
around calling this girl Razak’s interpreter. You should direct that question
to the blogs.” Firing another shot across the bow, Chahl wonders why no one has
stopped to question the credibility of the opposition that had readily admitted
to doctoring a photograph to show Altantuya with Prime Minister Datuk Seri
Najib Razak and Razak Baginda, purportedly in a Paris restaurant.
“This whole
affair was a personal matter between Razak Baginda and Altantuya. His dealings
with her had nothing to do with the Scorpene deal. It’s unfortunate that it
coincided with our timeline (the submarine deal). Razak Baginda was the only
common denominator in this. He was the only link, and a tenuous one,
at best.”
Who is Jasbir Singh Chahl?
JASBIR Singh
Chahl cut his teeth in the defence and oil and gas industry at a very early
age. He was twentysomething, in London, and working with a Middle Eastern defence
and construction company putting together multi-billion dollar deals. The
relationships he forged with defence contractors in Europe and the rest of the world put him in
good stead when he came home in 1981.
From 1996 to 1998, Chahl worked with Thomson-CSF
International (M) Sdn Bhd, the wholly owned Malaysian subsidiary of France's
Thomson-CSF (now Thales), on the Royal Malaysian Navy's Offshore Patrol Vessels
(OPV) project, the Crotale man-portable SHORAD (shortrange air defence) system, and other projects of interest to
Thomson-CSF and its subsidiaries. Chahl's relationship with Thomson-CSF was further
enhanced by his development of strategies and provision of inputs that led to
the submission to the Malaysian Government of other defence-related projects.
It
was while working on these projects that he was told by Thales that it wished
to focus on the sale of submarines to Malaysia. This was something Thales had
been pushing for more than a decade but had not been unable to make much
progress. Thales felt that the timing for a concerted effort was now right —
their various discourses with the RMN had led them to this conclusion. They
then requested him to analyse, evaluate and to develop a proposal to supply
submarines to Malaysia, which culminated in the Scorpene purchase.
‘Everything was audited’
ONE of the
major issues in the Scorpene submarine deal has to do with the word “commission”.
Specifically, the Euro115 million (RM452 million) that was
paid to Perimekar Sdn Bhd, the company in charge of the logistics and the
training of the officers and men of the Royal Malaysian Navy’s Submarine Force.
And Jasbir Singh Chahl has a big problem with that.
“The amount is actually a service management fee,” says
Chahl, exasperation and irritation creeping into his voice. That the detractors
have managed to turn it into a simplistic argument
and package it as an example of unfettered greed; that it
had succeeded, to a certain extent, in painting a picture that the monies were
paid to grease the palms of government officials and
corporations, makes Chahl’s stomach turn.
For the record,
Perimekar, which is an audited company, is owned by KS Ombak Laut Sdn Bhd, the
pension fund of the Armed Forces, LTAT, and by the industrial company,
Boustead. Both of them are also audited. The fees covered project management and
project integration services, coordinating the involvement of Malaysian
companies in the industrial participation programme in the provision of
services during the construction phase and to monitor the performance of these firms,
helping the main contractor comply with all local laws and procedures relating
to the execution of the contract, coordinating and monitoring the training of RMN personnel in compliance
with the main contract and in accordance with Malaysian Government and RMN
expectations, and providing monthly reports on all of the above.
The biggest
chunk of the fees went to the provision of accommodation and all the necessary
services for the training of RMN personnel and their families in Brest, France,
and Spain, for a period of six years, inclusive of health insurance premiums
and per diem allowances of a minimum of Euro50 per person. Other costs include
their return travel fares to Malaysia three times a year. In all, 145 RMN personnel,
including 49 officers and dependents were covered by this. “We’ve been made out to look like profiteers
who just sat back and collected when in actual fact, there was a lot of hard,
tangible work, that was done,” Chahl says.
For the record, Perimekar’s profit after tax
was RM105,111,191. “The commercial offer was attractive because of the superior
industrial participation programme that we put together. The countertrade and
offset programme that we proposed as part of the overall proposal
also swung the odds in our favour. “Based on the strength
and commercial superiority of the proposal, we didn’t have to lobby anyone to influence
the commercial evaluation process. There was no need to. “The Scorpene was the
best nonnuclear powered-submarine that we, as a nation, could have selected.”
Malaysian Ringgit Converter
